Honours English with Nusrat

Edmund Burk

Edmund Burk

Burke’s Speech on East India Bill -part-05

EDMUND BURKE In Bengal, Seraja Dowla was sold to Mir Jaffier; 29 Mir Jaffier was sold to Mir Cossim;30 and Mir Cossim was sold to Mir Jaffier again. 31 The succession to Mir Jaffier was sold to his eldest son;32 another son of Mir Jaffier, Mobarech ul Dowlah, was sold to his step-sold to mother. 33 The Mahratta Empire was Ragobah;34 and Ragobah was sold and delivered to the Peishwa of the Mahrattas. 35 Both Ragobah and the Peishwa of the Mahrattas were offered to sale to the Rajah of Berar. 36 Scindia, 37 the chief of Malwa, was offered to sale to the same Rajah; and the Subah of the Deccan38 was sold to the great trader, Mahomet Ali, Nabob of Arcot. To the same Nabob of Arcot they sold Hyder Ali and the kingdom of Mysore. 39 To Mahomet Ali they twice sold the kingdom of Tanjore. 40 To the same Mahomet Ali they sold at least twelve sovereign princes, called the Polygars.41 But to keep things even, the territory of Tinnevelly, belonging to their Nabob, they would have sold to the Dutch;42 and to conclude the account of sales, their great customer, the Nabob of Arcot himself, and his lawful succession, has been sold to his second son, Amir ul Omrah, whose character, views, and conduct, are in the accounts upon your table. It remains with you whether they shall finally perfect this last bargain. All these bargains and sales were regularly attended with the waste and havoc of the country; always by the buyer, and sometimes by the object of the sale. This was explained to you by the honorable mover, when he stated the mode of paying debts due from the country powers to the Company.44 An honorable gentleman, who is not now in his place.objected to his jumping near two thousand miles for an example. 45 But the southern example is perfectly applicable to the northern claim, as the northern is to the southern; for, throughout the whole space of these two thousand miles, take your stand where you will, the proceeding is perfectly uniform, and what is done in one part will apply exactly to the other. My second assertion is, that the Company never has made a treaty which they have not broken. This position is so connected with that of the sales of provinces and kingdoms, with the negotiation of universal distraction in every part of India, that a very minute detail may well be spared on this point. It has not yet been contended, by any enemy to the reform, that they have observed any public agreement. When I hear that they have done so in any one instance, (which hitherto, I confess, I never heard alleged) I shall speak to the particular treaty. The governor general has even amused himself and the Court of Directors in a very singular letter to that board, in which he admits he has not been very delicate with regard to public faith; and he goes so far as to state a regular estimate of the sums which the Company would have lost, or never acquired, if the rigid ideas of public faith entertained by his colleagues had been observed. 46 The learned gentleman over against me has, indeed, saved me much trouble. On a former occasion he obtained no small credit, for the clear and forcible manner in which he stated, what we have not forgot, and I hope he has not forgot, that universal, systematic breach of treaties which had made the British faith proverbial in the East. It only remains, Sir, for me just to recapitulate some heads. The treaty with the Mogul, by which we stipulated to pay him £ 260,000 annually, was broken. This treaty they have broken, and not paid him a shilling. They broke their treaty with him, in which they stipulated to pay £ 400,000 a year to the Subah of Bengal.48 They agreed with the Mogul, for services admitted to have been performed, to pay Nudjif Cawn a pension. 49 They broke this article with the rest, and stopped also this small pension. They broke their treaties with the Nizam, 50 and with Hyder Ali.51 As to the Marattas, they had so many cross treaties with the States General of that nation, and with each of the chiefs, that it was notorious, that no one of these agreements could be kept without grossly violating the rest. It was observed, that if the terms of these several treaties had been kept, two British armies would at one and the same time have met in the field to cut each other’s throats. The wars that desolate India originated from a most atrocious violation of public faith on our part. In the midst of profound peace, the Company’s troops invaded the Maratta territories, and surprised the island and fortress of Salsette. 52 The Marattas nevertheless yielded to a treaty of peace, by which solid advantages were procured to the Company. 53 But this treaty, like every other treaty, was soon violated by the Company. Again the Company invaded the Maratha dominions. The disaster that ensued gave occasion to a new treaty. The whole army of the Company was obliged, in effect, to surrender to these injured, betrayed, and insulted people. Justly irritated, however, as they were, the terms which they prescribed were reasonable and moderate; 54 and their treatment of their captive invaders of the most distinguished humanity. But the humanity of the Marattas was of no power whatsoever to prevail on the Company to attend to the observance of the terms dictated by their moderation. The war was renewed with greater vigor than ever; and such was their insatiable lust of plunder that they never would have given ear to any terms of peace, if Hyder Ali had not broke through the Gauts, and rushing like a torrent into the Carnatic, swept away everything in his career. This was in consequence of that confederacy which by

Edmund Burk, prose, showedprose

Burke’s Speech on East India Bill : page-04

main text: If I were to take the whole aggregate of our possessions there, I should compare it, as the nearest parallel I can find, with the Empire of Germany. Our immediate possessions I should compare with the Austrian dominions, and they would not suffer in the comparison. The Nabob of Oude might stand for the King of Prussia; the Nabob of Arcot I would compare as superior in territory, and equal in revenue, to the Elector of Saxony. Cheyt Sing, the Rajah of Benares might well rank with the Prince of Hesse, at least; and the Rajah of Tanjore (though hardly equal in extent of dominion, superior in revenue) to the Elector of Bavaria. The Polygars and the northern Zemindars, and other great chiefs, might well class with the rest of the Princes, Dukes, Counts, Marquisses, and Bishops in the empire; all of whom I mention to honour, and surely without disparagement to any or all of those most respectable princes and grandees. All this vast mass, composed of so many orders and classes of men, is again infinitely diversified by manners, by religion, by hereditary employment, through all their possible combinations. This renders the handling of India a matter in an high degree critical and delicate. But, oh! it has been handled rudely indeed. Even some of the reformers seem to have forgot that they had anything to do but to regulate the tenants of a manor, or the shopkeepers of the next county town.It is an empire of this extent, of this complicated nature, of this dignity and importance, that I have compared to Germany, and the German government; not for an exact resemblance, but as a sort of a middle term, by which India might be approximated to our understandings, and if possible to our feelings; in order to awaken something of sympathy for the unfortunate natives, of which I am afraid we are not perfectly susceptible, whilst we look at this very remote object through a false and cloudy medium. My second condition, necessary to justify me in touching the charter, is, whether the Company’s abuse of their trust, with regard to this great object, be an abuse of great atrocity. I shall beg your permission to consider their conduct in two lights; first the political, and then the commercial. Their political conduct (for distinctness) I divide again into two heads; the external, in which I mean to comprehend their conduct in their federal capacity, as it relates to powers and states independent, or that not long since were such; the other internal, namely their conduct to the countries, either immediately subject to the Company, or to those who, under the apparent government of native sovereigns, are in a state much lower, and much more miserable, than common subjection.The attention, Sir, which I wish to preserve to method will not be considered as unnecessary or affected. Nothing else can help me to selection out of the infinite mass of materials which have passed under my eye or can keep my mind steady to the great leading points I have in view. With regard therefore to the abuse of the external federal trust, I engage myself to you to make good these three positions: – First, I say, that from Mount Imaus, (or whatever else you call that large range of mountains that walls the northern frontier of India) where it touches us in the latitude of twenty-nine, to Cape Comorin, in the latitude of eight, that there is not a single prince, state, or potentate, great or small, in India, with whom they have come into contact, whom they have not sold: I say sold, though sometimes they have not been able to deliver according to their bargain. – Secondly, I say, that there is not a single treaty they have ever made, which they have not broken. Thirdly, I say, that there is not a single prince or state, who ever put any trust in the Company, who is not utterly ruined; and that none are in any degree secure or flourishing, but in the exact proportion to their settled distrust and irreconcilable enmity to this nation. traslation in bangla: If I were to take the whole aggregate of our possessions there, = যদি আমি সেখানে আমাদের সমস্ত অধিকারভুক্ত অঞ্চলকে একত্রে বিবেচনা করি, I should compare it, = তবে আমি সেটিকে তুলনা করব as the nearest parallel I can find, = আমার পাওয়া সবচেয়ে নিকটবর্তী উদাহরণের সঙ্গে, with the Empire of Germany. = জার্মান সাম্রাজ্যের সঙ্গে।Our immediate possessions = আমাদের প্রত্যক্ষ অধিকারভুক্ত অঞ্চলগুলোকে I should compare = আমি তুলনা করব with the Austrian dominions, = অস্ট্রিয়ার শাসনাধীন অঞ্চলগুলোর সঙ্গে, and they would not suffer in the comparison. = এবং এই তুলনায় তারা কোনো অংশেই কম প্রমাণিত হবে না।The Nabob of Oude = আওধের নবাব might stand for = তুলনীয় হতে পারেন the King of Prussia; = প্রুশিয়ার রাজার সঙ্গে; the Nabob of Arcot = আরকটের নবাবকে I would compare = আমি তুলনা করব as superior in territory, = ভূখণ্ডের দিক থেকে অধিকতর বড়, and equal in revenue, = এবং আয়ের দিক থেকে সমতুল্য, to the Elector of Saxony. = স্যাক্সনির ইলেক্টরের সঙ্গে।Cheyt Sing, the Rajah of Benares = বেনারসের রাজা চৈত সিং might well rank = সহজেই সমমর্যাদা পেতে পারেন with the Prince of Hesse, = হেসের রাজপুত্রের সঙ্গে, at least; = অন্ততপক্ষে; and the Rajah of Tanjore = এবং তাঞ্জোরের রাজা (though hardly equal in extent of dominion, = (যদিও রাজ্যের বিস্তৃতির দিক থেকে সমান নন, superior in revenue) = কিন্তু রাজস্বের দিক থেকে শ্রেষ্ঠ) to the Elector of Bavaria. = বাভারিয়ার ইলেক্টরের সঙ্গে তুলনীয়। The Polygars and the northern Zemindars, = পলিগার ও উত্তরাঞ্চলের জমিদাররা, and other great chiefs, = এবং অন্যান্য প্রভাবশালী প্রধানরা, might well class = যথার্থই একই শ্রেণিভুক্ত হতে পারেন with the rest of the Princes, Dukes, Counts, Marquisses, = অন্যান্য রাজপুত্র, ডিউক, কাউন্ট, মার্কুইস, and Bishops in the empire; = এবং সাম্রাজ্যের বিশপদের সঙ্গে; all of whom I mention to honour, = যাদের সকলের নাম আমি সম্মানের

Edmund Burk, prose, showedprose

Burke’s Speech on East India Bill .page -03

EDMUND BURKE The strong admission I have made of the company\’s rights (I am conscious of it) binds me to do a great deal. I do not presume to condemn those who argue a priori against the propriety of leaving such extensive political powers in the hands of a company of merchants. know much is, and much more may be said against such a system. But, with my particular ideas and sentiments, I cannot go that way to work. I feel an insuperable reluctance in giving my hand to destroy any established institution of government, upon a theory, however plausible it may be. My experience in life teaches me nothing clear upon the subject. I have known merchants with the sentiments and the abilities of great statesmen, and I have seen persons in the rank of statesmen, with the conceptions and character of peddlars. Indeed, my observation has furnished me with nothing that is to be found in any habits of life or education, which tends wholly to disqualify men for the functions of government, but that by which the power of exercising those functions is very frequently obtained, I mean, a spirit and habits of low cabal and intrigue, which I have never, in one instance, seen united with a capacity for sound and manly policy. To justify us in taking the administration of their affairs out of the hands of the East India Company, on my principles, I must see several conditions. 1st. The object affected by the abuse should be great and important. 2nd. The abuse affecting this great object ought to be a great abuse. 3rd. It ought to be habitual, and not accidental. 4th. It ought to be utterly incurable in the body as it now stands constituted. All this ought to be made as visible to me as the light of the sun, before I should strike off an atom of their charter. A right honourable gentleman has said, and said I think but once, and that very slightly, (whatever his original demand for a plan might seem to require) that \”there are abuses in the Company\’s government.\” 19 If that were all, the scheme of the mover of this bill, the scheme of his learned friend, 20 and his own scheme of reformation (if he has any) are all equally needless. There are, and must be, abuses in all governments. It amounts to no more than proposition. But before I consider of what nature a nugatory these abuses are, of which the gentleman speaks so very lightly, permit me to recall to your recollection Traslation in Bangla: This bill, and those connected with it, এই বিল এবং এর সঙ্গে সংশ্লিষ্ট অন্যান্য বিলগুলো, are intended to form the Magna Charta of Hindostan, গঠন করার উদ্দেশ্যে প্রণীত হয়েছে হিন্দুস্তানের ম্যাগনা কার্টা। Whatever the treaty of Westphalia is to the liberty of the princes and free cities of the empire, and to the three religions there professed, যা ওয়েস্টফেলিয়ার সন্ধি সাম্রাজ্যের রাজপুত্র ও স্বাধীন নগরীগুলোর স্বাধীনতার জন্য এবং সেখানে প্রচলিত তিনটি ধর্মের জন্য, whatever the great charter, the statute of tallage, the petition of right, and the declaration of right, are to Great Britain, যেমন মহান চার্টার, ট্যালেজ আইন, পিটিশন অব রাইট এবং ডিক্লারেশন অব রাইট গ্রেট ব্রিটেনের জন্য যা, these bills are to the people of India, এই বিলগুলোও ভারতের জনগণের জন্য তাই। Of this benefit, I am certain, their condition is capable, এই উপকারের তারা উপযুক্ত—আমি এ বিষয়ে নিশ্চিত, and when I know that they are capable of more, my vote shall most assuredly be for our giving to the full extent of their capacity of receiving; এবং যখন আমি জানব যে তারা আরও বেশি পাওয়ার যোগ্য, তখন আমার ভোট অবশ্যই হবে তাদের গ্রহণক্ষমতার সম্পূর্ণ সীমা পর্যন্ত দেওয়ার পক্ষে; and no charter of dominion shall stand as a bar in my way to their charter of safety and protection, এবং শাসনের কোনো চার্টারই তাদের নিরাপত্তা ও সুরক্ষার চার্টারের পথে আমার জন্য বাধা হয়ে দাঁড়াবে না। The strong admission I have made of the Company’s rights (I am conscious of it) binds me to do a great deal, কোম্পানির অধিকার সম্পর্কে আমি যে দৃঢ় স্বীকৃতি দিয়েছি (আমি সে বিষয়ে সচেতন), তা আমাকে অনেক দায়িত্বের মধ্যে আবদ্ধ করে। I do not presume to condemn those who argue a priori against the propriety of leaving such extensive political powers in the hands of a company of merchants, একদল বণিকের হাতে এত ব্যাপক রাজনৈতিক ক্ষমতা রেখে দেওয়ার উপযুক্ততার বিরুদ্ধে যারা পূর্বধারণার ভিত্তিতে যুক্তি দেন, আমি তাদের নিন্দা করার সাহস করি না। I know much is, and much more may be said against such a system, আমি জানি এমন একটি ব্যবস্থার বিরুদ্ধে অনেক কিছু বলা হয়েছে এবং আরও অনেক কিছু বলা যেতে পারে। But, with my particular ideas and sentiments, I cannot go that way to work, কিন্তু আমার নিজস্ব চিন্তা ও বিশ্বাস অনুযায়ী আমি সেই পথে অগ্রসর হতে পারি না। I feel an insuperable reluctance in giving my hand to destroy any established institution of government, upon a theory, however plausible it may be, কেবল একটি তত্ত্বের ভিত্তিতে, তা যতই বিশ্বাসযোগ্য মনে হোক না কেন, কোনো প্রতিষ্ঠিত সরকারি প্রতিষ্ঠান ধ্বংস করার জন্য সমর্থন দিতে আমি এক অদম্য অনিচ্ছা অনুভব করি। My experience in life teaches me nothing clear upon the subject, জীবনে আমার অভিজ্ঞতা এই বিষয়ে আমাকে কোনো স্পষ্ট শিক্ষা দেয় না। I have known merchants with the sentiments and the abilities of great statesmen; and I have seen persons in the rank of statesmen, with the conceptions and character of peddlars, আমি এমন বণিকদের দেখেছি যাদের চিন্তাধারা ও যোগ্যতা ছিল মহান রাষ্ট্রনায়কদের মতো; আবার এমন রাষ্ট্রনায়কদেরও দেখেছি যাদের চিন্তাধারা ও চরিত্র ছিল ফেরিওয়ালাদের মতো। Indeed, my observation has furnished me with nothing that is to be found in any habits of life or education, which tends wholly to disqualify men for the functions of government, but that, by which the power of exercising those functions is very frequently obtained, I mean, a spirit and habits of low cabal and intrigue; which I have never, in one

Edmund Burk

Burke’s Speech on East India Bill-page-02

EDMUND BURKE main text :part-o3 It is a charter of this latter description (that is to say a charter of power and monopoly) which is affected by the bill before you. The bill, Sir, does without question, affect it; it does affect it essentially and substantially. But, having stated to you of what description the chartered rights are which this bill touches, I feel no difficulty at all in acknowledging the existence of those chartered rights in their fullest extent. They belong to the Company in the surest manner; and they are secured to that body by every sort of public sanction. They are stamped by the faith of the king; they are stamped by the faith of Parliament; they have been bought for money, for money honestly and fairly paid; they have been bought for valuable consideration, over and over again. I therefore freely admit to the East India Company their claim to exclude their fellow-subjects from the commerce of half the globe. I admit their claim to administer an annual territorial revenue of seven millions sterling; to command an army of sixty thousand men; and to dispose (under the control of a sovereign imperial discretion, and with the due observance of the natural and local law) of the lives and fortunes of thirty millions of their fellow-creatures. All this they possess by charter and by acts of parliament, (in my opinion) without a shadow of controversy.Those who carry the rights and claims of the Company the furthest do not contend for more than this; and all this I freely grant. But granting all this, they must grant to me in my turn, that all political power which is set over men, and that all privilege claimed or exercised in exclusion of them, being wholly artificial, and for so much, a derogation from the natural equality of mankind at large, ought to be some way or other exercised ultimately for their benefit. If this is true with regard to every species of political dominion, and every description of commercial privilege, none of which can be original self-derived rights, or grants for the mere private benefit of the holders, then such rights, or privileges, or whatever else you choose to call them, are all in the strictest sense a trust: and it is of the very essence of every trust to be rendered accountable; and even totally to cease, when it substantially varies from the purposes for which alone it could have a lawful existence.This I conceive, Sir, to be true of trusts of power vested in the highest hands, and of such as seem to hold of no human creature. But about the application of this principle to subordinate derivative trusts, I do not see how a controversy can be maintained. To whom then would I make the East India Company accountable? Why, to Parliament to be sure; to Parliament, from whom their trust was derived to Parliament, which alone is capable of comprehending the magnitude of its object, and its abuse and alone capable of an effectual legislative remedy. The very charter, which is held out to exclude Parliament from correcting malversation with regard to the high trust vested in the Company, is the very thing which at once gives a title and imposes a duty on us to interfere with effect, wherever power and authority originating from ourselves are perverted from their purposes, and become instruments of wrong and violence. If Parliament, Sir, had nothing to do with this charter, we might have some sort of Epicurean excuse to stand aloof, indifferent spectators of what passes in the Company\’s name in India and in London. But if we are the very cause of the evil, we are in a special manner engaged to the redress; and for us passively to bear with oppressions committed under the sanction of our own authority is in truth and reason for this House to be an active accomplice in the abuse. 91 That the power, notoriously, grossly, abused has been bought from us is very certain. But this circumstance, which is urged against the bill, becomes an additional motive for our interference, lest we should be thought to have sold the blood of millions of men for the base consideration of money. We sold, I admit, all that we had to sell; that is our authority, not our control. We had not a right to make a market of our duties. I ground myself therefore on this principle- that if the abuse is proved, the contract is broken; and we re-enter into all our rights; that is, into the exercise of all our duties. Our own authority is indeed as much a trust originally, as the Company\’s authority is a trust derivatively; and it is the use we make of the resumed power that must justify or condemn us in the resumption of it. When we have perfected the plan laid before us by the Right Honorable mover,world will then see what it is we destroy, and what it is we create. By that test we stand or fall; and by that test I trust that it will be found, in the issue, that we are going to supersede a charter abused to the full extent of all the powers which it could abuse, and exercised in the plenitude of despotism, tyranny, and corruption, and that in one and the same plan we provide a real chartered security for the rights of men cruelly violated under that charter. traslation in bangla :Burke’s Speech on East India Bill It is a charter of this latter description = এটি এই দ্বিতীয় ধরনের একটি চার্টার (that is to say a charter of power and monopoly) = (অর্থাৎ ক্ষমতা ও একচেটিয়া অধিকারের চার্টার) which is affected by the bill before you. = যা আপনাদের সামনে উপস্থাপিত বিলের দ্বারা প্রভাবিত হচ্ছে।The bill, Sir, = মহাশয়, এই বিলটি does without question affect it; = নিঃসন্দেহে এটিকে প্রভাবিত করছে; it does affect it = এটি সত্যিই এটিকে প্রভাবিত

Edmund Burk, prose, showedprose

Burke’s Speech on East India Bill:page-01

EDMUND BURKE Mr. Speaker, I thank you for pointing to me. I really wished much to engage your attention in an early stage of the debate. I have been long very deeply, though perhaps ineffectually, engaged in the preliminary enquiries, which have continued without intermission for some years. Though I have felt, with some degree of sensibility, the natural and inevitable impressions of the several matters of fact, as they have been successively disclosed, I have not at any time attempted to trouble you on the merits of the subject, and very little on any of the points which incidentally arose in the course of our proceedings. But I should be sorry to be found totally silent upon this day. Our enquiries are now come to their final issue. It is now to be determined whether the three years of laborious parliamentary research, whether the twenty years of patient Indian suffering, are to produce a substantial reform in our Eastern administration; or whether our knowledge of the grievances has abated our zeal for the correction of them, and whether our very enquiry into the evil was only a pretext to elude the remedy which is demanded from us by humanity,by justice, and by every principle of true policy. Depend upon it, this business cannot be indifferent to our fame. It will turn out a matter of great disgrace or great glory to the whole British nation. We are on a conspicuous stage, and the world marks demeanour. our I am therefore a little concerned to perceive the spirit and temper in which the debate has been all along pursued, upon one side of the House. The declamation of the Gentlemen who oppose the bill has been abundant and vehement, but they have been reserved and even silent about the fitness or unfitness of the plan to attain the direct object it has in view. By some gentlemen it is taken up (by way of exercise I presume) as a point of law on a question of private property, and corporate franchise; by others it is regarded as the petty intrigue of a faction at court, and argued merely as it tends to set this man a little higher, or that a little lower in situation and power. All the void has been filled up with invectives against coalition; with allusions to the loss of America; with the activity and inactivity of ministers. The total silence of these gentlemen concerning the interest and well-being of the people of India, and concerning the interest which this nation has in the commerce and revenues of that country, is a strong indication of the value which they set upon these objects. It has been a little painful to me to observe the intrusion into this important debate of such company as Quo Warranto, and Mandamus, and Certiorari¹: as if we were on a trial about mayors and aldermen and capital burgesses, or engaged in a suit concerning the borough of Penryn, or Saltash, or St. Ives, or St. Mawes. Gentlemen have argued with as much heat and passion, as if the first things in the world were at stake; and their topics are such, as belong only to matter of the lowest and meanest litigation. It is not right, it is not worthy of us, in this manner to depreciate the value, to degrade the majesty, of this grave deliberation of policy and empire. For my part, I have thought myself bound, when a matter of this extraordinary weight came before me, not to consider (as some Gentlemen are so fond of doing) whether the bill originated from a Secretary of State for the Home Department or from a Secretary for the Foreign,3 from a minister of influence or a minister of the people; from Jacob or from Esau.4 I asked myself, and I asked myself nothing else, what part it was fit for a member of Parliament, who has supplied mediocrity of talents by the extreme of diligence, and who has thought himself obliged, by the research of years, to wind himself into the inmost recesses and labyrinths of the Indian detail, what part, I say, it became such a member of Parliament to take, when a minister of state, in conformity to a recommendation from the throne, has brought before us a system for the better government of the territory and commerce of the East. In this light, and in this only, I will trouble you with my sentiments traslation in Bengali: Burke\’s Speech on East India Bill .Mr. Speaker, = মাননীয় স্পিকার, I thank you for pointing to me. = আমাকে বক্তব্য দেওয়ার সুযোগ দেওয়ার জন্য আমি আপনাকে ধন্যবাদ জানাই। I really wished much = আমি সত্যিই খুব ইচ্ছা করেছিলাম to engage your attention = আপনাদের মনোযোগ আকর্ষণ করতে in an early stage of the debate. = বিতর্কের প্রাথমিক পর্যায়ে।I have been long very deeply, = আমি দীর্ঘদিন ধরে অত্যন্ত গভীরভাবে though perhaps ineffectually, = যদিও হয়তো খুব ফলপ্রসূভাবে নয়, engaged in the preliminary enquiries, = প্রাথমিক অনুসন্ধানগুলোর সঙ্গে যুক্ত ছিলাম, which have continued = যা চলেছে without intermission = কোনো বিরতি ছাড়া for some years. = কয়েক বছর ধরে। Though I have felt, = যদিও আমি অনুভব করেছি, with some degree of sensibility, = কিছুটা সংবেদনশীলতার সঙ্গে, the natural and inevitable impressions = স্বাভাবিক ও অনিবার্য প্রভাবগুলো of the several matters of fact, = বিভিন্ন বাস্তব ঘটনার, as they have been successively disclosed, = সেগুলো একের পর এক প্রকাশিত হওয়ার সঙ্গে সঙ্গে, I have not at any time attempted = আমি কোনো সময়েই চেষ্টা করিনি to trouble you = আপনাদের বিরক্ত করতে on the merits of the subject, = বিষয়টির মূল গুণাগুণ নিয়ে, and very little = এবং খুব সামান্যই on any of the points = কোনো কোনো বিষয় নিয়ে which incidentally arose = যা আনুষঙ্গিকভাবে উঠে এসেছিল in the course of our proceedings. = আমাদের কার্যধারার সময়।But I should be sorry = কিন্তু আমি দুঃখিত হব to be found totally silent = যদি আমাকে সম্পূর্ণ নীরব বলে দেখা

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