Edmund Burk

1]Warren Hastings Warren Hastings was the first Governor-General of British India, serving from 1773 to 1785. He is regarded as one of the principal architects of British rule in India because he strengthened the administrative and political authority of the East India Company after the Regulating Act of 1773. During his administration, the Company gradually changed from a commercial organization into a territorial and political power. Hastings introduced several administrative and judicial reforms to improve the Company’s government. He reorganized the revenue system, established civil and criminal courts, and attempted to govern India through a combination of British administration and Indian laws and customs. He also encouraged Oriental learning by supporting the study of Sanskrit and Persian, founding the Calcutta Madrasa (1781), and patronizing the Asiatic Society of Bengal, founded by Sir William Jones in 1784. For these reasons, many historians regard him as an able and energetic administrator. However, Hastings remains one of the most controversial figures in British colonial history. He was accused of abusing political power for the benefit of the East India Company. His involvement in the Rohilla War, his harsh treatment of Raja Chait Singh of Benares, the confiscation of the wealth of the Begums of Oudh, and the controversial case of Rajah Nundcomar severely damaged his reputation. These incidents led to his impeachment before the British Parliament in 1788. The impeachment, led by Edmund Burke, lasted nearly seven years. Although Hastings was finally acquitted in 1795, the long trial ruined him financially and left a lasting stain on his public image.In Burke’s Speech on the East India Bill, Warren Hastings is portrayed as the chief representative of the East India Company’s corruption, tyranny, and abuse of power. Burke argues that Hastings transformed government into an instrument of commercial greed, violated treaties, oppressed Indian rulers, and sacrificed justice for political and financial gain. Thus, Hastings becomes, in Burke’s view, not merely an individual governor but the symbol of colonial exploitation and moral failure.In conclusion, Warren Hastings occupies a complex position in history. He was an efficient administrator who helped establish British rule in India and encouraged the study of Indian culture, yet his aggressive policies and alleged misuse of power made him one of the most controversial figures of the British Empire. His administration became the central target of Edmund Burke’s powerful criticism of imperial corruption and unethical government. 1]Warren Hastings ওয়ারেন হেস্টিংস (১৭৩২–১৮১৮) ছিলেন ব্রিটিশ ভারতের প্রথম গভর্নর-জেনারেল, যিনি ১৭৭৩ থেকে ১৭৮৫ সাল পর্যন্ত দায়িত্ব পালন করেন। ১৭৭৩ সালের Regulating Act-এর পর তিনি ইস্ট ইন্ডিয়া কোম্পানির প্রশাসনিক ও রাজনৈতিক ক্ষমতা সুদৃঢ় করেন। এ কারণে তাঁকে ভারতে ব্রিটিশ শাসনের অন্যতম প্রধান স্থপতি হিসেবে গণ্য করা হয়। তাঁর শাসনামলে ইস্ট ইন্ডিয়া কোম্পানি ধীরে ধীরে একটি বাণিজ্যিক প্রতিষ্ঠান থেকে একটি আঞ্চলিক ও রাজনৈতিক শক্তিতে পরিণত হয়।হেস্টিংস কোম্পানির প্রশাসনকে আরও কার্যকর করার জন্য বিভিন্ন প্রশাসনিক ও বিচার বিভাগীয় সংস্কার প্রবর্তন করেন। তিনি রাজস্ব ব্যবস্থার পুনর্গঠন করেন, দেওয়ানি ও ফৌজদারি আদালত প্রতিষ্ঠা করেন এবং ব্রিটিশ প্রশাসনিক নীতির সঙ্গে ভারতীয় আইন ও প্রথার সমন্বয় ঘটিয়ে শাসন পরিচালনার চেষ্টা করেন। তিনি প্রাচ্য শিক্ষা ও সংস্কৃতিরও পৃষ্ঠপোষক ছিলেন। সংস্কৃত ও ফারসি ভাষার অধ্যয়নকে উৎসাহিত করেন, ১৭৮১ সালে কলকাতা মাদ্রাসা প্রতিষ্ঠা করেন এবং স্যার উইলিয়াম জোন্স প্রতিষ্ঠিত এশিয়াটিক সোসাইটি অব বেঙ্গল (১৭৮৪)-কে পৃষ্ঠপোষকতা প্রদান করেন। এসব কারণে অনেক ইতিহাসবিদ তাঁকে একজন দক্ষ, কর্মঠ ও দূরদর্শী প্রশাসক হিসেবে মূল্যায়ন করেছেন।তবে হেস্টিংস ব্রিটিশ ঔপনিবেশিক ইতিহাসের অন্যতম বিতর্কিত ব্যক্তিত্বও বটে। তাঁর বিরুদ্ধে ইস্ট ইন্ডিয়া কোম্পানির স্বার্থে রাজনৈতিক ক্ষমতার অপব্যবহারের অভিযোগ ওঠে। রোহিলা যুদ্ধে তাঁর ভূমিকা, বেনারসের রাজা চৈত সিংহের প্রতি কঠোর আচরণ, আওধের বেগমদের সম্পদ বাজেয়াপ্ত করা এবং রাজা নন্দকুমারের বিতর্কিত মামলার মতো ঘটনাগুলো তাঁর সুনামকে মারাত্মকভাবে ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত করে। এসব ঘটনার কারণে ১৭৮৮ সালে ব্রিটিশ পার্লামেন্টে তাঁর বিরুদ্ধে অভিশংসন (Impeachment) শুরু হয়। এডমন্ড বার্কের নেতৃত্বে পরিচালিত এই বিচারপ্রক্রিয়া প্রায় সাত বছর ধরে চলে। যদিও ১৭৯৫ সালে হেস্টিংস সব অভিযোগ থেকে খালাস পান, তবুও দীর্ঘ বিচারপ্রক্রিয়া তাঁকে আর্থিকভাবে বিপর্যস্ত করে এবং তাঁর জনসম্মুখের ভাবমূর্তিকে স্থায়ীভাবে ক্ষুণ্ণ করে।এডমন্ড বার্ক তাঁর Speech on the East India Bill-এ ওয়ারেন হেস্টিংসকে ইস্ট ইন্ডিয়া কোম্পানির দুর্নীতি, স্বৈরাচার এবং ক্ষমতার অপব্যবহারের প্রধান প্রতিনিধি হিসেবে উপস্থাপন করেছেন। বার্কের মতে, হেস্টিংস সরকারকে বাণিজ্যিক লোভের হাতিয়ারে পরিণত করেছিলেন। তিনি বিভিন্ন চুক্তি ভঙ্গ করেন, ভারতীয় শাসকদের ওপর অত্যাচার চালান এবং রাজনৈতিক ও আর্থিক লাভের জন্য ন্যায়বিচারকে বিসর্জন দেন। ফলে বার্কের দৃষ্টিতে হেস্টিংস কেবল একজন গভর্নর-জেনারেল নন; তিনি ঔপনিবেশিক শোষণ, দুর্নীতি এবং নৈতিক অবক্ষয়ের প্রতীক।উপসংহারে, বলা যায় যে ওয়ারেন হেস্টিংস ইতিহাসে এক জটিল ও বহুমাত্রিক ব্যক্তিত্ব। একদিকে তিনি একজন দক্ষ প্রশাসক হিসেবে ভারতে ব্রিটিশ শাসনের ভিত্তি সুদৃঢ় করেন এবং ভারতীয় শিক্ষা ও সংস্কৃতির বিকাশে গুরুত্বপূর্ণ ভূমিকা রাখেন। অন্যদিকে, তাঁর আক্রমণাত্মক নীতি এবং ক্ষমতার অপব্যবহারের অভিযোগ তাঁকে ব্রিটিশ সাম্রাজ্যের অন্যতম বিতর্কিত শাসকে পরিণত করে। তাঁর প্রশাসনই এডমন্ড বার্কের ঔপনিবেশিক দুর্নীতি, অন্যায় এবং অনৈতিক শাসনের বিরুদ্ধে তীব্র সমালোচনার প্রধান লক্ষ্যবস্তু হয়ে ওঠে। 2]The Magna Carta The Magna Carta (Latin for “Great Charter”) is one of the most significant constitutional documents in English history. It was sealed by King John of England on 15 June 1215 at Runnymede, near Windsor, after a rebellion by the English barons. The charter was created to curb the king’s arbitrary rule, excessive taxation, and abuse of feudal authority. Although it was originally intended to settle a political conflict between the king and his nobles, it later became a symbol of liberty, justice, and the rule of law.The Magna Carta originally contained 63 clauses dealing with legal, political, and feudal matters. Among its most important provisions were the protection of the rights and privileges of the Church, the guarantee that no free man could be imprisoned, punished, or deprived of property except by the lawful judgment of his peers or according to the law of the land, and the principle that justice should neither be sold, delayed, nor denied. It also regulated feudal payments, protected the rights of landowners and tenants, and granted merchants greater freedom of trade.The greatest importance of the Magna Carta lies in its limitation of the king’s absolute power. It established the revolutionary principle that the monarch was subject to the law rather than above it. It also strengthened the idea that taxation required the consent of the kingdom’s representatives, a

Answer: Edmund Burke’s Speech on the East India Bill (1783) is one of the greatest political speeches in English literature and a landmark in the history of British parliamentary oratory. Although the speech was delivered in support of Charles James Fox’s East India Bill, it is also a powerful moral and political attack on the administration of Warren Hastings, the first Governor-General of British India. Burke regarded Hastings as the chief representative of the corruption, tyranny, and exploitation practised by the East India Company in India. To Burke, Hastings was not merely an individual administrator but the embodiment of a system in which commercial greed replaced justice, humanity, and constitutional government. Throughout the speech, Burke exposes Hastings’ abuse of power through historical examples, logical argument, and passionate rhetoric. Hastings as the Symbol of Colonial Misrule Burke presents Warren Hastings as the principal architect of the Company’s oppressive administration in India. According to him, Hastings transformed government into an instrument of personal ambition and commercial profit. Instead of protecting the rights of the Indian people, he established a system based on fear, arbitrary authority, and corruption.Burke does not criticize Hastings out of personal hostility. Rather, he believes that every ruler is morally responsible for the welfare of the people under his authority. Since Hastings violated this sacred trust, Burke considers him guilty of betraying both India and Britain. Abuse of Absolute Power One of Burke’s central accusations is that Hastings exercised unlimited power without accountability. Instead of governing according to law, he ruled according to personal convenience and political necessity.Burke argues that Hastings ignored justice whenever it conflicted with his interests. Under his administration, treaties were broken, promises violated, and innocent people punished. Consequently, government became an instrument of oppression rather than protection. The Destruction of the Rajah of Benares Burke strongly condemns Hastings’ treatment of the Rajah of Benares, Chait Singh. After imposing unreasonable financial demands upon him, Hastings accused the Rajah of disobedience, removed him from power, and devastated his kingdom.Burke bitterly remarks that the unfortunate prince was expelled, his country ruined, and yet the Company gained almost nothing from the entire enterprise. The incident demonstrates Hastings’ arbitrary exercise of authority and his willingness to destroy loyal allies for personal and political reasons. The Rohilla War Burke regards the Rohilla War as one of the greatest crimes committed during Hastings’ administration. Company troops assisted the Nawab of Awadh in attacking the Rohillas in return for four hundred thousand pounds.Their courageous leader, Hafiz Rahmat Khan, was killed, thousands of people lost their homes, and a prosperous region was devastated. Burke condemns Hastings for sacrificing an entire nation merely for financial profit, thereby reducing political authority to commercial bargaining. Exploitation of the Begums of Oude Another serious charge concerns Hastings’ treatment of the Begums of Oude. Burke argues that they were falsely accused of supporting rebellion simply to justify confiscating their immense wealth.Their treasures were seized, their property taken away, and they were subjected to humiliation and suffering. Burke presents this episode as one of the clearest examples of Hastings’ greed and disregard for justice. Instead of protecting the weak, he used government power to plunder them. Violation of Treaties and Political Faith Burke repeatedly accuses Hastings of violating solemn agreements with Indian rulers. The Mughal Emperor, the Nawab of Bengal, the Nawab of Awadh, the Nizam, Hyder Ali, and the Marathas all experienced broken promises and political deception.For Burke, the violation of treaties was not merely a diplomatic mistake; it represented a moral crime. A government that fails to honour its promises loses both legitimacy and honour. Persecution of Opponents Burke further criticizes Hastings for using official authority to silence those who opposed him. He claims that Colonel Monson and General Clavering suffered because they challenged Hastings’ policies.Similarly, Indian leaders who questioned Company authority often faced persecution rather than justice. Burke portrays Hastings as a ruler who regarded criticism as a personal enemy instead of an essential part of responsible government. The Cases of Mahomed Reza Khan and Rajah Nundcomar Burke strengthens his argument by referring to Mahomed Reza Khan and Rajah Nundcomar.Mahomed Reza Khan, despite official recognition, became the victim of political intrigue under Hastings’ administration. More dramatically, Rajah Nundcomar accused Hastings of corruption but was soon convicted of forgery and publicly executed.Although the execution was legally sanctioned, Burke believed that it was politically motivated. To him, the incident symbolized how justice itself had been corrupted to protect those in power. Greed and Economic Exploitation Burke repeatedly emphasizes that Hastings governed India not for the welfare of its people but for financial gain. Excessive taxation, confiscation of wealth, manipulation of native rulers, and commercial monopoly became the principal features of his administration.Company servants accumulated enormous personal fortunes while ordinary Indians suffered poverty and insecurity. Burke therefore argues that Hastings transformed political authority into an instrument of private enrichment. Burke’s Moral and Political Philosophy The criticism of Hastings ultimately reflects Burke’s broader political philosophy. He believes that government is a sacred trust, not private property. Every ruler must exercise power according to justice, humanity, law, and moral responsibility.Military success or political convenience can never justify cruelty or corruption. Burke rejects the argument that crimes become acceptable because they serve imperial interests. His famous expression—“Crimes so convenient, crimes so politic, crimes so necessary.”—is deeply ironic. He condemns the dangerous belief that political advantage can excuse moral wrongdoing. Burke’s Rhetorical Method One reason Burke’s attack remains memorable is his extraordinary style. He combines historical evidence with emotional appeal, vivid imagery, irony, repetition, parallelism, and powerful moral language.Rather than merely presenting facts, Burke transforms historical events into ethical arguments. His eloquence makes Hastings appear not simply as an unsuccessful governor but as the living symbol of imperial corruption. In conclusion, Burke’s Speech on the East India Bill presents Warren Hastings as the chief representative of the East India Company’s corrupt and oppressive rule in India. Through the examples of the Rajah of Benares, the Rohilla War, the Begums of Oude, Mahomed Reza

Answer: Edmund Burke was one of the greatest British parliamentarians, political philosophers, and prose writers of the eighteenth century. His Speech on the East India Bill (1783) is one of the most powerful political speeches in English literature. In this speech, Burke demonstrates an extraordinary knowledge of India and strongly condemns the East India Company for its corruption, oppression, and misuse of political authority. Although Burke never visited India, he carefully studied official records, parliamentary reports, historical documents, and eyewitness accounts. As a result, his speech combines historical accuracy with moral passion. He presents the East India Company not as a civilizing force but as an institution that sacrificed justice and humanity for commercial profit. Burke’s Knowledge of India One of the most remarkable features of Burke’s speech is his deep knowledge of Indian affairs. He was familiar with the political condition of Bengal, Awadh (Oude), Rohilkhand, and the Mughal Empire. He knew the history of Indian rulers, the Company’s treaties, and the administrative system established after the Battle of Plassey.Burke possessed detailed information about important historical figures such as the Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II, Sujah-ud-Daulah, Mir Jafar, Mir Kasim, Warren Hastings, Rajah Nundcomar, and the Begums of Oude. His references to places like Corah, Allahabad, Bengal, and Rohilkhand show that he had thoroughly investigated the Company’s activities in India.Unlike many British politicians of his age, Burke respected India’s ancient civilization. He believed that Indians were entitled to the same justice and protection as British subjects. Therefore, his criticism was based not on prejudice against India but on sympathy for its people. The Company as a Commercial Body Turned Political Tyrant Burke argues that the East India Company was created for trade, not for government. However, after acquiring political power, it began exercising sovereign authority over millions of Indians. According to Burke, a commercial corporation governed by profit could never become a just political authority.Instead of protecting the people, the Company used its political power to increase its wealth. Burke therefore regarded its administration as fundamentally immoral and dangerous. Abuse of Political Power Burke summarizes the Company’s administration in his famous description:“An oppressive, irregular, capricious, unsteady, rapacious, and peculating despotism.”This sentence expresses his complete condemnation of Company rule. He believed its government was oppressive because it burdened the people, irregular because it ignored justice, capricious because it acted according to personal interest, rapacious because of its greed, and peculating because corruption existed throughout the administration.In Burke’s opinion, the Company betrayed the trust placed in it by Parliament and transformed government into organized exploitation. Exploitation of the Mughal Emperor Burke illustrates the Company’s injustice through its treatment of the Mughal Emperor. Once the supreme ruler of India, the Emperor was stripped of both authority and revenue. His provinces of Corah and Allahabad were transferred to Sujah-ud-Daulah, and he was left almost powerless.Burke expresses deep sympathy for the Emperor, remarking that the descendant of the great Tamerlane was deprived even of the necessities of life. This incident symbolizes the Company’s betrayal of those whom it had promised to protect. The Rohilla War Burke presents the Rohilla War as one of the most disgraceful examples of the Company’s cruelty. The Rohillas were virtually sold to Sujah-ud-Daulah for four hundred thousand pounds, and Company troops assisted in their destruction.Their brave leader, Hafiz Rahmat Khan, was killed, his family was reduced to poverty, and their prosperous country became desolate. Burke uses this example to demonstrate that the Company valued money more than justice or human life. Betrayal of Indian Princes Burke repeatedly accuses the Company of betraying Indian rulers whenever it became profitable to do so. Siraj-ud-Daulah was overthrown; Mir Jafar was installed; Mir Kasim replaced him; and finally Mir Jafar was restored.These constant changes were motivated not by justice or good government but by financial advantage. Burke concludes that there was scarcely an Indian prince who had not suffered from British deception. Oppression of the Begums of Oude Another striking example is the treatment of the Begums of Oude. Burke argues that they were falsely accused of rebellion merely to justify confiscating their immense wealth.Their humiliation and financial ruin reveal how greed had replaced justice under Company rule. Burke regarded this incident as one of the greatest disgraces of British administration in India. The Case of Rajah Nundcomar Burke also refers to the execution of Rajah Nundcomar, who accused Warren Hastings of accepting bribes. Soon afterward, he was convicted of forgery and publicly hanged.Although the trial appeared legal, Burke believed that it was politically motivated and intended to silence a man who exposed corruption. The incident became, in Burke’s view, another example of the Company’s abuse of judicial power. Economic Exploitation Burke argues that the Company’s principal aim was commercial profit rather than public welfare. Excessive taxation, confiscation of property, monopolistic trade, and systematic exploitation transferred India’s wealth to Britain while leaving millions of Indians in poverty.According to Burke, government exists for the benefit of the people, not for the enrichment of private individuals. The East India Company completely violated this principle. Burke’s Demand for Reform Burke did not merely criticize; he proposed reform. He supported the East India Bill because it sought to place Indian administration under parliamentary control. He believed that political authority should be separated from commercial interests and exercised with justice, honesty, responsibility, and accountability.Only such reforms, he argued, could protect the rights of the Indian people and preserve Britain’s moral reputation. To sum up, Burke’s Speech on the East India Bill demonstrates both his remarkable knowledge of India and his uncompromising opposition to the East India Company’s abuse of power. Through detailed historical examples, he exposes the Company’s corruption, political manipulation, economic exploitation, and moral failure. His sympathy for the Mughal Emperor, the Rohillas, the Begums of Oude, Rajah Nundcomar, and other victims shows that he viewed imperial power as a moral responsibility rather than a means of private profit. Ultimately, Burke’s speech remains one of the greatest denunciations of colonial oppression and a timeless defence of

BY EDMUND BURKE main text: There was no great reason to apprehend that soldiers ill paid, that soldiers who thought they had been defrauded of their plunder on former services of the same kind, would not have been sufficiently attentive to the spoil they were expressly come for; but the gallantry and generosity of the profession was justly suspected, as being likely to set bounds to military rapaciousness. The Company’s first civil magistrate discovered the greatest uneasiness lest the women should have anything preserved to them. Terms, tending to put some restraint on military violence were granted. He writes a letter to Mr. Popham, referring to some letter written before to the same effect, which I do not remember to have seen; but it shews his anxiety on this subject. Hear himself:–“I think every demand she has made on you, except that of safety and respect to her person, is unreasonable. If the reports brought to me are true, your rejecting her offers, or any negotiation, would soon obtain you the fort upon your own terms. I apprehend she will attempt to_defraud the captors of a considerable part of their booty, by being suffered to retire without examination. But this is your concern, not mine. I should be very sorry that your officers and soldiers lost_any_ part of the reward to which they Burke’s Speech on East India Bill are so well entitled; but you must be the best judge of the promised indulgence to the Ranny: what you have engaged for I will certainly ratify; but as to suffering the Ranny to hold the purgunna of Hurlich, or any other Zemindary, without being subject to the authority of the Zemindar, or any lands whatsoever or indeed making_any_ condition with her for a _provision_ I will_never consent_.” Here your Governor stimulates a rapacious and licentious soldiery to the personal search of women, lest these unhappy creatures should avail themselves of the protection of their sex to secure any supply for their necessities; and he positively orders that no stipulation should be made for any provision for them. The widow and mother of a prince, well informed of her miserable situation, and the cause of it, a woman of this rank became a suppliant to the domestic servant of Mr. Hastings (they are his own words that I read); ‘imploring his intercession’ that she may be relieved from the hardships and dangers of her present situation; and offering to surrender the fort, and the_treasure and valuable effects_contained in it, provided she can be assured_of safety and protection to her person and honour and to that of her family and attendants.” He is so good as to consent to this, provided she surrenders everything of value, with the reserve_only_ of such articles as _you_shall think necessary to her condition, or as you yourself_shall be disposed to indulge her with. –But should she _my refuse to execute the promise she has made, or delay it beyond the term of twenty-four hours, it is positive injunction, that you immediately put a stop to any further intercourse or negotiation with her, and on no pretext renew it. If she disappoints or_trifles with me, after I have subjected_my Duan_105 to the disgrace of returning ineffectually, and of course myself to discredit, I shall consider it as a _wanton_ affront and indignity_which I can never forgive; nor will I grant her_any_conditions whatever, but leave her exposed to those_dangers which she has chosen to riskque, rather than trust to the clemency and generosity of our government. I think she cannot be ignorant of these consequences, and will not venture to incur them; and it is for this reason I place a dependence on her offers, and have consented to send my Duan to her.” The dreadful secret hinted at by the merciful governor in the latter part of the letter, is well understood in India; where those who suffer corporeal indignities, generally expiate the offences of others with their own blood. However, in spite of all these, the temper of the military did, some way or other, operate. They came to terms which have never been transmitted. It appears that a fifteenth per cent of the plunder was reserved to the captives, of which the unhappy mother of the prince of Benares was to have a share. This ancient matron, born to better things La laugh from certain young gentlemen]_–I seeno cause for this mirth. A good author of antiquity reckons among the calamities of his time “nobilissimarum faeminarum exilia et fugas. “106 I say, Sir, this ancient lady was compelled to quit her house with three hundred helpless women and a multitude of children in her train; but the lower sort in the camp it seems could not be restrained. They did not forget the good lessons of the governor general. They were unwilling “to be defrauded of a considerable part of their booty, by suffering them to pass without examination.”–They examined them, Sir, with a vengeance, and the sacred protection of that awful character, Mr. Hastings’s _maitre d’hotel, could not secure them from insult and plunder. Here is Popham’s narrative of the affair:– “The Ranny came out of the fort, with her family and dependants, the 10th at night, owing to which such attention was not paid to her as I wished; and I am exceedingly sorry to inform you, that the licentiousness of our followers was beyond the bounds of control; for, notwithstanding all 1 could do, her people were plundered on the road of most of the things which they brought out of the fort, by which means one of the articles of surrender has been much infringed. The distress I have felt upon this occasion cannot be expressed, and can only be allayed by a firm performance of the other articles of the treaty, which I shall make it my business to enforce. Traslation in Bangla There was no great reason to apprehend (এমন আশঙ্কার বিশেষ কোনো কারণ ছিল না) that soldiers

BY EDMUND BURKE main text: If ever there was a subordinate dominion pleasantly circumstanced to the superior power, it was this; a large rent or tribute, to the amount of two hundred and sixty thousand pounds a year, was paid in monthly instalments with the punctuality of a dividend at the Bank. If ever there was a prince who could not have an interest in disturbances, it was its sovereign, the Rajah Cheit Sing. He was in possession of the capital of his religion, and a willing revenue was paid by the devout people who resorted to him from all parts. His sovereignty and his independence, except his tribute, was secured by every tie. His territory was not much less than half of Ireland, and displayed in all parts a degree of cultivation, ease, and plenty, under his frugal and paternal management, which left him nothing to desire, either for honour or satisfaction. This was the light in which this country appeared to almost every eye. But Mr. Hastings beheld it askance. Mr. Hastings tells us that it was reported of this Cheit Sing, that his father90 left him a million sterling, and that he made annual accessions to the hoard. Nothing could be so obnoxious to indigent power. So much wealth could not be innocent. The House is fully acquainted with the unfounded and unjust requisitions which were made upon this prince. 91 The question has been most ably and conclusively cleared up in one of the reports of the select committee;92 and in an answer of the Court of Directors to an extraordinary publication against them by their servant, Mr. Hastings.93 But I mean to pass by these exaction; as if they were perfectly just and regular; and having admitted them, I take what I shall now trouble you with, only as it serves to show the spirit of the Company’s government, the mode in which it is carried on, and the maxims on which it proceeds.Mr. Hastings, from whom I take the doctrine, endeavors to prove that Cheit Sing was no sovereign prince; but a mere zemindar, or common subject, holding land by rent. If this be granted to him, it is next to be seen under what terms he is of opinion such a land-holder, that is a British subject, holds It is proper to understand well the doctrines of the life and property under the Company’s government person whose administration has lately received such distinguished approbation from the Company. His or the person doctrine is,–“That the Company, delegated by it, holds an absolute authority over such Zemindars; –that he [such a subject] owes an implicit and unreserved obedience to its authority, at the forfeiture even of his life and property, at the DISCRETION of those who held or fully represented the sovereign authority; and that these rights are fully delegated to him, Mr. Hastings.” If ever there was a subordinate dominion (যদি কখনও কোনো অধীনস্থ রাজ্য থেকে থাকে) pleasantly circumstanced to the superior power, (যার অবস্থা শাসনকারী শক্তির পক্ষে এতটাই অনুকূল ছিল,) it was this; (তবে সেটি ছিল এই রাজ্য।)A large rent or tribute, (একটি বিপুল খাজনা বা বার্ষিক কর,) to the amount of two hundred and sixty thousand pounds a year, (যার পরিমাণ ছিল বছরে দুই লক্ষ ষাট হাজার পাউন্ড,) was paid (পরিশোধ করা হতো) in monthly instalments (মাসিক কিস্তিতে,) with the punctuality (এমন সময়ানুবর্তিতার সঙ্গে) of a dividend at the Bank. (যেমন ব্যাংকের লভ্যাংশ সময়মতো পরিশোধ করা হয়।)If ever there was a prince (যদি কখনও এমন কোনো শাসক থেকে থাকেন) who could not have an interest in disturbances, (যাঁর অশান্তি সৃষ্টি করার কোনো স্বার্থই থাকতে পারে না,) it was its sovereign, (তবে তিনি ছিলেন এই রাজ্যের শাসক,) the Rajah Cheit Sing. (রাজা চৈত সিং।) He was in possession (তিনি অধিকারী ছিলেন) of the capital of his religion, (তাঁর ধর্মের প্রধান পবিত্র নগরীর,) and a willing revenue (এবং স্বেচ্ছায় প্রদত্ত আয়) was paid (তাঁকে দেওয়া হতো) by the devout people (ধর্মপ্রাণ মানুষের দ্বারা,) who resorted to him (যারা তাঁর কাছে আসত) from all parts. (দেশের সর্বত্র থেকে।)His sovereignty and his independence, (তাঁর সার্বভৌমত্ব ও স্বাধীনতা,) except his tribute, (শুধু বার্ষিক কর প্রদানের বাধ্যবাধকতা ছাড়া,) was secured (সম্পূর্ণভাবে নিশ্চিত ছিল) by every tie. (সব ধরনের চুক্তি ও নিশ্চয়তার মাধ্যমে।) His territory (তাঁর রাজ্য) was not much less than half of Ireland, (আয়তনে আয়ারল্যান্ডের অর্ধেকের চেয়ে খুব বেশি ছোট ছিল না,) and displayed in all parts (এবং সর্বত্র প্রদর্শন করত) a degree of cultivation, ease, and plenty, (উন্নত কৃষি, স্বাচ্ছন্দ্য ও প্রাচুর্য,) under his frugal and paternal management, (তাঁর মিতব্যয়ী ও পিতৃতুল্য শাসনের অধীনে,) which left him nothing to desire, (যেখানে তাঁর আর কিছুই কামনা করার ছিল না,) either for honour or satisfaction. (না সম্মানের জন্য, না সন্তুষ্টির জন্য।This was the light (প্রায় সকলের চোখে) in which this country appeared (এই দেশকে এভাবেই দেখা হতো,) to almost every eye. (প্রায় প্রত্যেক মানুষের দৃষ্টিতে।)But Mr. Hastings (কিন্তু মি. হেস্টিংস) beheld it askance. (এটিকে সন্দেহের চোখে দেখতেন।) Mr. Hastings tells us (মি. হেস্টিংস আমাদের বলেন,) that it was reported (যে প্রচলিত ছিল,) of this Cheit Sing, (রাজা চৈত সিং সম্পর্কে,) that his father (তাঁর পিতা) left him a million sterling, (তাঁর জন্য দশ লক্ষ পাউন্ড সম্পদ রেখে গিয়েছিলেন,) and that he made (এবং তিনি নিজেও) annual accessions (প্রতি বছর আরও সম্পদ যোগ করতেন) to the hoard. (সেই সঞ্চিত ধনভাণ্ডারে।)Nothing could be so obnoxious (এর চেয়ে বেশি অসহ্য আর কিছুই হতে পারত না) to indigent power. (অর্থকষ্টে থাকা শাসকদের কাছে।)So much wealth (এত বিপুল সম্পদ) could not be innocent. (তাদের চোখে নির্দোষ হতে পারে না।)The House is fully acquainted (এই সভা সম্পূর্ণভাবে অবগত) with the unfounded and unjust requisitions (সেই ভিত্তিহীন ও অন্যায্য দাবিগুলোর বিষয়ে) which were made (যা করা হয়েছিল) upon this prince. (এই শাসকের ওপর।) The question has been (এই বিষয়টি) most ably and conclusively cleared up (অত্যন্ত দক্ষতার সঙ্গে এবং চূড়ান্তভাবে ব্যাখ্যা করা হয়েছে) in one of the reports (নির্বাচিত কমিটির একটি প্রতিবেদনে,) of the select committee; (সেই সিলেক্ট কমিটির মাধ্যমে;) and in an answer (এবং একটি জবাবে,) of the Court of Directors (কোম্পানির পরিচালনা

BY EDMUND BURKE main text: The invariable course of the Company’s policy is this: Either they set up some prince too odious to maintain himself without the necessity of their assistance; or they soon render him odious, by making him the instrument of their government. In that case troops are bountifully sent to him to maintain his authority. That he should have no want of assistance, a civil gentleman, called a Resident, is kept at his court, who, under pretence of providing duly for the pay of these troops, gets assignments on the revenue into his hands. Under his provident management, debts soon accumulate; new Burke’s Speech on East India Bill assignments are made for these debts; until, step by step, the whole revenue, and with it the whole power of the country, is delivered into his hands. The military do not behold without a virtuous emulation the moderate gains of the civil department. They feel that, in a country driven to habitual rebellion by the civil government, the military is necessary; and they will not permit their services to go unrewarded. Tracts of country are delivered over to their discretion. Then it is found proper to convert their commanding officers into farmers of revenue. Thus, between the well-paid civil and well-rewarded military establishment, the situation of the natives may be easily conjectured. The authority of the regular and lawful government is everywhere and in every point extinguished. Disorders and violences arise; they are repressed by other disorders and other violences. Wherever the collectors of the revenue, and the farming colonels and majors move, ruin is about them, rebellion before and behind them. The people in crowds fly out of the country; and the frontier is guarded by lines of troops, not to exclude an enemy, but to prevent the escape of the inhabitants. By these means, in the course of not more than four or five years, this once opulent and flourishing country, which, by the accounts given in the Bengal consultations, yielded more than three crore of sicca rupees, that is, above three millions sterling, annually, is reduced, as far as I can discover, in a matter purposely involved in the utmost perplexity, to less than one million three hundred thousand pounds, and that exacted by every mode of rigor that can be devised. To complete the business, most of the wretched remnants of this revenue are mortgaged, and delivered into the hands of the usurers at Benares (for there alone are to be found some lingering remains of the ancient wealth of these regions) at an interest of near thirty per cent per annum.   The invariable course of the Company’s policy is this: কোম্পানির নীতির অপরিবর্তিত ধারা ছিল এই: Either they set up some prince হয় তারা এমন কোনো রাজপুত্র বা শাসককে ক্ষমতায় বসায় too odious to maintain himself যিনি এতটাই অজনপ্রিয় without the necessity of their assistance; যে তাদের সাহায্য ছাড়া নিজের ক্ষমতা টিকিয়ে রাখতে পারেন না; or they soon render him odious, অথবা তারা অল্প সময়ের মধ্যেই তাঁকে জনগণের কাছে ঘৃণিত করে তোলে, by making him the instrument of their government. তাঁকে নিজেদের শাসনের হাতিয়ার বানিয়ে। In that case সেই ক্ষেত্রে troops are bountifully sent to him তাঁর কাছে উদারভাবে সৈন্য পাঠানো হয় to maintain his authority. তাঁর কর্তৃত্ব বজায় রাখার জন্য। That he should have no want of assistance, যাতে তাঁর কোনো সাহায্যের অভাব না হয়, a civil gentleman, একজন অসামরিক কর্মকর্তা, called a Resident, যাকে ‘রেসিডেন্ট’ বলা হয়, is kept at his court, তাঁর দরবারে নিযুক্ত রাখা হয়, who, under pretence of providing duly যিনি সৈন্যদের বেতন যথাযথভাবে দেওয়ার অজুহাতে for the pay of these troops, এই সৈন্যবাহিনীর বেতন প্রদানের জন্য, gets assignments on the revenue রাজস্বের ওপর অধিকার বা বরাদ্দ into his hands. নিজের হাতে নিয়ে নেন। Under his provident management, তাঁর তথাকথিত বিচক্ষণ ব্যবস্থাপনায়, debts soon accumulate; অল্প সময়েই ঋণের পরিমাণ বেড়ে যায়; new assignments are made নতুন নতুন রাজস্ব বরাদ্দ দেওয়া হয় for these debts; এই ঋণ শোধ করার জন্য; until, step by step, এভাবে ধাপে ধাপে, the whole revenue, সমস্ত রাজস্ব and with it the whole power of the country, এবং তার সঙ্গে দেশের সমস্ত ক্ষমতা, is delivered into his hands. তাঁর হাতেই তুলে দেওয়া হয়। The military do not behold সামরিক কর্মকর্তারাও দেখে চুপ করে থাকে না without a virtuous emulation এক ধরনের প্রতিযোগিতার মনোভাব নিয়ে the moderate gains অসামরিক বিভাগের সীমিত লাভকে। They feel that, তারা বুঝতে পারে যে, in a country driven to habitual rebellion যে দেশে অসামরিক প্রশাসনের কারণে by the civil government, স্থায়ী বিদ্রোহের পরিবেশ সৃষ্টি হয়েছে, the military is necessary; সেখানে সামরিক বাহিনী অপরিহার্য; and they will not permit এবং তারা কখনোই অনুমতি দেবে না their services to go unrewarded. যাতে তাদের সেবার বিনিময়ে পুরস্কার না মেলে। Tracts of country দেশের বিস্তীর্ণ অঞ্চল are delivered over to their discretion. তাদের ইচ্ছামতো পরিচালনার জন্য তাদের হাতে তুলে দেওয়া হয়। Then it is found proper এরপর উপযুক্ত মনে করা হয় to convert their commanding officers তাদের সামরিক কমান্ডারদের into farmers of revenue. রাজস্ব-ইজারাদারে পরিণত করতে। Thus, এভাবে, between the well-paid civil ভালো বেতনপ্রাপ্ত অসামরিক প্রশাসন and well-rewarded military establishment, এবং পুরস্কৃত সামরিক প্রতিষ্ঠানের মাঝখানে, the situation of the natives দেশীয় জনগণের অবস্থা may be easily conjectured. সহজেই অনুমান করা যায়। The authority কর্তৃত্ব of the regular and lawful government বৈধ ও নিয়মতান্ত্রিক সরকারের is everywhere সর্বত্র and in every point এবং প্রতিটি ক্ষেত্রে extinguished. বিলুপ্ত হয়ে যায়। Disorders and violences arise; বিশৃঙ্খলা ও সহিংসতা সৃষ্টি হয়; they are repressed আর সেগুলো দমন করা হয় by other disorders আরও বিশৃঙ্খলার মাধ্যমে and other violences. এবং আরও সহিংসতার মাধ্যমে। Wherever the collectors of the revenue, যেখানেই রাজস্ব আদায়কারীরা, and the farming colonels and majors move, এবং রাজস্ব-ইজারাদার কর্নেল ও মেজররা যায়, ruin is about them, তাদের চারপাশে ধ্বংস নেমে আসে, rebellion before and behind them. তাদের সামনে ও পেছনে বিদ্রোহ ছড়িয়ে পড়ে। The people in crowds লোকজন দলে দলে fly out of the country; দেশ ছেড়ে পালিয়ে যায়; and the frontier is guarded আর সীমান্ত পাহারা দেওয়া হয় by lines of troops, সৈন্যবাহিনীর সারি দিয়ে, not

BY EDMUND BURKE main text: subject to their authority. The most considerable of the dependent princes is the Nabob of Oude.71 My Right Honorable friend, to whom we owe the remedial bills on your table, has already pointed out to you, in one of the reports, the condition of that prince, and as it stood in the time he alluded to.72 1 shall only add a few circumstances that may tend to awaken some sense of the manner in which the condition of the people is affected by that of the prince, and involved in it; and to show you, that when we talk of the sufferings of princes, we do not lament the oppression of individuals; and that in these cases the high and the low suffer together. In the year 1779, the Nabob of Oude represented, through the British resident at his court, that the number of Company’s troops stationed in his dominions was a main cause of his distress; and that all those which he was not bound by treaty to maintain should be withdrawn, as they had greatly diminished his revenue and impoverished his country. I will read you, if you please, a few extracts from these representations. He states, “that the country and cultivation are abandoned; and this year in particular, from the Burke’s Speech on East India Bill excessive drought of the season, deductions of many laces having been allowed to the farmers, who are still left unsatisfied”;73 and then he proceeds with a long detail of his own distress, and that of his family, and all his dependants; and adds, “that the new-raised brigade is not only quite useless to my government, but is, moreover the cause of much loss, both in revenues and customs. The detached body of troops under European officers bring nothing but confusion to the affairs of my government, and are entirely their own masters.”74 Mr.Middleton, 75 Mr. Hastings’s confidential Resident, vouches for the truth of this representation in its fullest extent. “I am concerned to confess that there is too good ground for this plea. The misfortune has been general throughout the whole of the vizier’s [the Nabob of Oude] dominions, obvious to everybody; and so fatal have been its consequences, that no person, of either credit or character would enter into engagements with government for farming the country.” He then proceeds to give strong instances of the general calamity, and its effects.Burke’s Speech on East India Bill It was now to be seen what steps the Governor General and Council took for the relief of this distressed country, long laboring under the vexations of men, and now stricken by the hand of God. The case of a general famine is known to relax the severity even of the most rigorous government.–Mr. Hastings does not deny, or shew the least doubt of the fact.  Traslation in Bangla subject to their authority. তাদের কর্তৃত্বের অধীন। The most considerable of the dependent princes is the Nabob of Oude. অধীনস্থ রাজন্যবর্গের মধ্যে সবচেয়ে গুরুত্বপূর্ণ হলেন অযোধ্যার (আউধের) নবাব। My Right Honorable friend, আমার অত্যন্ত সম্মানিত বন্ধু, to whom we owe the remedial bills on your table, যাঁর কাছে আমরা আপনাদের টেবিলে থাকা সংস্কারমূলক বিলগুলোর জন্য ঋণী, has already pointed out to you, তিনি ইতিমধ্যেই আপনাদের দৃষ্টি আকর্ষণ করেছেন, in one of the reports, প্রতিবেদনগুলোর একটিতে, the condition of that prince, সেই নবাবের অবস্থার প্রতি, and as it stood in the time he alluded to. এবং তিনি যে সময়ের কথা উল্লেখ করেছিলেন, সেই সময়কার তাঁর অবস্থার প্রতি। I shall only add a few circumstances আমি শুধু কয়েকটি বিষয় যোগ করব that may tend to awaken some sense যা হয়তো কিছুটা উপলব্ধি জাগাতে পারে of the manner in which the condition of the people is affected by that of the prince, কীভাবে জনগণের অবস্থা শাসকের অবস্থার দ্বারা প্রভাবিত হয়, and involved in it; এবং তার সঙ্গে ওতপ্রোতভাবে জড়িত থাকে; and to show you, এবং আপনাদের দেখাতে, that when we talk of the sufferings of princes, যে যখন আমরা শাসকদের দুর্দশার কথা বলি, we do not lament the oppression of individuals; তখন আমরা কেবল ব্যক্তিগত কষ্টের জন্য শোক করি না; and that in these cases the high and the low suffer together. বরং এ ধরনের ক্ষেত্রে উচ্চ ও নিম্ন—উভয় শ্রেণির মানুষই একসঙ্গে দুর্ভোগ পোহায়। In the year 1779, ১৭৭৯ সালে, the Nabob of Oude represented, আউধের নবাব অভিযোগ জানিয়েছিলেন, through the British resident at his court, তাঁর দরবারে নিযুক্ত ব্রিটিশ রেসিডেন্টের মাধ্যমে, that the number of Company’s troops stationed in his dominions যে তাঁর রাজ্যে অবস্থানরত কোম্পানির সৈন্যদের সংখ্যা was a main cause of his distress; তাঁর দুর্দশার প্রধান কারণ ছিল; and that all those which he was not bound by treaty to maintain এবং যেসব সৈন্য রক্ষণাবেক্ষণের জন্য তিনি চুক্তি অনুযায়ী বাধ্য ছিলেন না, should be withdrawn, সেগুলো প্রত্যাহার করা উচিত, as they had greatly diminished his revenue কারণ তারা তাঁর রাজস্বকে ব্যাপকভাবে কমিয়ে দিয়েছিল and impoverished his country. এবং তাঁর দেশকে দরিদ্র করে তুলেছিল। I will read you, if you please, আপনাদের অনুমতি থাকলে আমি পড়ে শোনাব, a few extracts from these representations. এই আবেদনপত্রগুলোর কয়েকটি অংশ। He states, তিনি বলেন, “that the country and cultivation are abandoned;” “দেশ ও কৃষিকাজ পরিত্যক্ত হয়ে পড়েছে;” “and this year in particular, “এবং বিশেষ করে এ বছর, from the excessive drought of the season, ঋতুর ভয়াবহ খরার কারণে, deductions of many laces having been allowed to the farmers, অনেক স্থানে কৃষকদের খাজনায় ছাড় দেওয়া হয়েছে, who are still left unsatisfied”; তবুও তারা এখনও চরম অসন্তুষ্ট ও দুর্দশাগ্রস্ত রয়েছে”; and then he proceeds with a long detail of his own distress, এরপর তিনি নিজের দুর্দশার দীর্ঘ বিবরণ দেন, and that of his family, তাঁর পরিবারের, and all his dependants; এবং তাঁর সকল আশ্রিতের দুর্দশারও; and adds, এবং আরও বলেন, “that the new-raised brigade is not only quite useless to my government, “নতুন গঠিত ব্রিগেডটি শুধু আমার সরকারের জন্য সম্পূর্ণ অপ্রয়োজনীয়ই নয়, but is, moreover, the cause of much loss, বরং এটি আরও ব্যাপক ক্ষতির কারণ, both in revenues and customs. রাজস্ব ও শুল্ক—উভয় ক্ষেত্রেই। The

BY EDMUND BURKE main text: These are some of my reasons, grounded on the abuse of the external political trust of that body, for thinking myself not only justified but bound to declare against those chartered rights which produce so many wrongs. I should deem myself the wickedest of men, if any vote of mine could contribute to the continuance of so great an evil.Now, Sir, according to the plan I proposed, I shall take notice of the Company’s internal government, as it is exercised first on the dependent provinces, and then as it affects those under the direct and immediate authority of that body. And here, Sir, before I enter into the spirit of their interior government, permit me to observe to you, upon a few of the many lines of difference which are to be found between the vices of the Company’s government, and those of the conquerors who preceded us in India; that we may be enabled a little the better to see our way in an attempt to the necessary reformation. The several irruptions of Arabs, Tartars, and Persians into India were, for the greater part, ferocious, bloody, and wasteful in the extreme: our entrance into the dominion of that country was, as generally, with small comparative effusion of blood; being introduced by various frauds and delusions, and by taking advantage of the incurable, blind, and senseless animosity, which the several country powers bear towards each other, rather than by open force. But the difference in favor of the first conquerors is this; the Asiatic conquerors very soon abated of their ferocity, because they made the conquered country their own. They rose or fell with the rise or fall of the territory they lived in. Fathers there deposited the hopes of their posterity; and children there beheld the monuments of their fathers. Here their lot was finally cast; and it is the natural wish of all, that their lot should not be cast in a bad land. Poverty, sterility, and desolation, are not a recreating prospect to the eye of man; and there are very few who can bear to grow old among the curses of a whole people. If their passion or their avarice drove the Tartar lords to acts of rapacity or tyranny, Traslation in Bangla These are some of my reasons, = এগুলো আমার কিছু কারণ, grounded on the abuse = ভিত্তি করে অপব্যবহারের ওপর of the external political trust = বহিরাগত রাজনৈতিক অর্পিত দায়িত্বের of that body, = সেই প্রতিষ্ঠানের, for thinking myself = নিজেকে মনে করার জন্য not only justified = শুধু ন্যায়সঙ্গতই নয়, but bound = বরং বাধ্যও to declare against = বিরোধিতা ঘোষণা করতে those chartered rights = সেই সনদপ্রাপ্ত অধিকারগুলোর which produce = যা সৃষ্টি করে so many wrongs. = এত অন্যায়। I should deem myself = আমি নিজেকে মনে করব the wickedest of men, = মানুষের মধ্যে সবচেয়ে দুষ্ট ব্যক্তি, if any vote of mine = যদি আমার কোনো ভোট could contribute = অবদান রাখতে পারে to the continuance = অব্যাহত রাখার ক্ষেত্রে of so great an evil. = এত বড় একটি অনিষ্টকে। Now, Sir, = এখন, মহাশয়, according to the plan = পরিকল্পনা অনুযায়ী I proposed, = যা আমি প্রস্তাব করেছিলাম, I shall take notice = আমি আলোচনা করব of the Company’s internal government, = কোম্পানির অভ্যন্তরীণ শাসনব্যবস্থা সম্পর্কে, as it is exercised = যেভাবে তা পরিচালিত হয় first on the dependent provinces, = প্রথমে অধীনস্থ প্রদেশগুলোতে, and then = এবং তারপর as it affects = যেভাবে তা প্রভাব ফেলে those under = তাদের ওপর, the direct and immediate authority = যারা প্রত্যক্ষ ও তাৎক্ষণিক কর্তৃত্বের অধীনে of that body. = সেই প্রতিষ্ঠানের। And here, Sir, = এবং এখানে, মহাশয়, before I enter into = আমি প্রবেশ করার আগে the spirit = মূল স্বরূপে of their interior government, = তাদের অভ্যন্তরীণ শাসনব্যবস্থার, permit me = আমাকে অনুমতি দিন to observe to you, = আপনাকে উল্লেখ করার, upon a few = কয়েকটি বিষয়ে of the many lines of difference = বহু পার্থক্যের মধ্যে which are to be found = যা দেখা যায় between the vices = দোষত্রুটির মধ্যে of the Company’s government, = কোম্পানির শাসনব্যবস্থার, and those = এবং সেগুলোর of the conquerors = বিজেতাদের who preceded us = যারা আমাদের আগে এসেছিল in India; = ভারতে; that we may be enabled = যাতে আমরা সক্ষম হই a little the better = কিছুটা আরও ভালোভাবে to see our way = আমাদের পথ বুঝতে in an attempt = একটি প্রচেষ্টায় to the necessary reformation. = প্রয়োজনীয় সংস্কার সাধনের। The several irruptions = বিভিন্ন আক্রমণ of Arabs, Tartars, and Persians = আরব, তাতার ও পারসিকদের into India = ভারতে were, for the greater part, = অধিকাংশ ক্ষেত্রেই ছিল ferocious, bloody, = হিংস্র, রক্তাক্ত, and wasteful = এবং ধ্বংসাত্মক in the extreme: = চরম মাত্রায়; our entrance = আমাদের প্রবেশ into the dominion = শাসনক্ষমতার মধ্যে of that country = সেই দেশের was, as generally, = সাধারণভাবে ছিল with small comparative effusion of blood; = তুলনামূলকভাবে অল্প রক্তপাতের মাধ্যমে; being introduced = সংঘটিত হয়েছিল by various frauds and delusions, = নানা প্রতারণা ও বিভ্রান্তির মাধ্যমে, and by taking advantage = এবং সুযোগ গ্রহণ করে of the incurable, blind, = নিরাময়-অযোগ্য, অন্ধ, and senseless animosity, = এবং অযৌক্তিক বিদ্বেষের, which the several country powers = যা বিভিন্ন দেশীয় শক্তি bear towards each other, = একে অপরের প্রতি পোষণ করত, rather than = খোলাখুলি শক্তি প্রয়োগের পরিবর্তে by open force. = প্রকাশ্য বলপ্রয়োগের মাধ্যমে।But the difference = কিন্তু পার্থক্যটি in favor of = প্রথম বিজেতাদের পক্ষে the first conquerors = ছিল এই যে, is this; = তা হলো;the Asiatic conquerors = এশীয় বিজেতারা very soon abated = খুব শিগগিরই কমিয়ে দিয়েছিল of their ferocity, = তাদের নিষ্ঠুরতা, because they made = কারণ তারা বানিয়েছিল the conquered country = বিজিত দেশটিকে their own. = নিজেদের দেশ। the Asiatic conquerors = এশীয় বিজেতারা very soon abated = খুব শিগগিরই কমিয়ে দিয়েছিল of their ferocity, = তাদের নিষ্ঠুরতা, because they made = কারণ তারা বানিয়েছিল the conquered country = বিজিত দেশটিকে their own. =

BY EDMUND BURKE main text: was As to the first, the unhappy abdicated Peshwa, and pretender to the Maratta throne, Ragonaut Row, was delivered up to his people, with an article for safety, and some provision. 65 This man, knowing how little vague the hatred of his countrymen was towards him, and well apprised of what black crimes he stood accused (among which our invasion of his country would not appear the least) took a mortal alarm at the security we had provided for him. He thunderstruck at the article in his favor, by which he was surrendered to his enemies. He never had the least notice of the treaty; and it was apprehended that he would fly to the protection of Hyder Ali, or some other, disposed or able to protect him. He was therefore not left without comfort; for Mr. Anderson did him the favor to send a special messenger, desiring him to be of good cheer and to fear nothing. And his old enemy, Scindia, at our request, sent him a message equally well calculated to quiet his apprehensions.By the same treaty the Guickwar was to come again, with no better security, under the dominion of the Maratta state. As to the Rana of Gohud, a long negotiation depended for giving him up. At first this was refused by Mr. Hastings with great indignation; at another stage it was admitted as proper, because he had shewn himself a most perfidious person. But at length a method of reconciling these extremes was found out, by contriving one of the usual articles in his favor. What I believe will appear beyond all belief, Mr. Anderson exchanged the final ratifications of that treaty by which the Rana was nominally secured in his possessions, in the camp of the Maratta chief, Scindia, whilst he was (really, and not nominally) battering the castle of Gwalior, which we had given, agreeably to treaty, to this deluded ally. Scindia had already reduced the town; and was at the very time, by various detachments, reducing, one after another, the fortresses of our protected ally, as well as in the act of chastising all the Rajahs who had assisted Colonel Camac66 in his invasion. I have seen in a letter from Calcutta, in-hand with the protecting treaty) to Mr. Hastings; but he was not admitted to his presence. In this manner the Company has acted with their allies in the Maratta war. But they did not rest here: the Marattas were fearful lest the persons delivered to them by that treaty should attempt to escape into the British territories, and thus might elude the punishment intended for them, and by reclaiming the treaty, might stir up new disturbances. To prevent this, they desired an article to be inserted in the supplemental treaty, to which they had the ready consent of Mr. Hastings and the rest of the Company’s representatives in Bengal. It was this, “That the English and Maratta governments mutually agree not to afford refuge to any chiefs, merchants, or other persons, flying for protection to the territories of the other.” This was readily assented to, and assented to without any exception whatever, in favor of our surrendered allies. On their part a reciprocity was stipulated which was not unnatural for a government like the Company’s to ask; a government conscious that many subjects had been, and would in future, be driven to fly from its jurisdiction.To complete the system of pacific intention and public faith, which predominate in those treaties, Mr. Hastings fairly resolved to put all peace, except on the terms of absolute conquest, wholly out of his own power. For, by an article in this second treaty with Burke’s Speech on East India Bill Scindia,67 he binds the Company not to make any peace with Tippoo Sahib without the consent of the Peshwa of the Marattas, and binds Scindia to him by a reciprocal engagement. The treaty between France and England 68 obliges us mutually to withdraw our forces, if our allies in India do not accede to the peace within four months; Mr. Hastings’s treaty obliges us to continue the war as long as the Peishwa thinks fit. We are now in that happy situation, that the breach of the treaty with France, or the violation of that with the Marattas, is inevitable; and we have only to take our choice. My third assertion, relative to the abuse made of the right of war and peace is, that there are none who have ever confided in us who have not been utterly ruined. The examples I have given of Ragonaut Row, of Guickwar, of the Rana of Gohud, are recent. There is proof more than enough in the condition of the Mogul; in the slavery and indigence of the Nabob of Oude; the exile of the Rajah of Benares; the beggary of the Nabob of Bengal, the undone and captive condition of the Rajah and kingdom of Tanjore; the destruction of the Polygars; and lastly, in the destruction of the Nabob of Arcot himself, who when his dominions were invaded was found entirely destitute of troops, provisions, stores, and (as hethat the Rana of Gohud’s agent would have represented these hostilities (which went hand  of money, being a million in debt to the Company, and four millions to others: the many millions which he had extorted from so many extirpated princes and their desolated countries having (as he has frequently hinted) been expended for the ground-rent of his mansion-house in an alley in the suburbs of Madras. 69 Compare the condition of all these princes with the power and authority of all the Maratta states; with the independence and dignity of the Subah of the Deccan; and the mighty strength, the resources, and the manly struggle of Hyder Ali; and then the House will discover the effects, on every power in India, of an easy confidence, or of a rooted distrust in the faith of the Company. Translation in Bangla:

EDMUND BURKE It is very remarkable, that the late controversy between the several presidencies, and between them and the Court of Directors, with relation to these wars and treaties, has not been, which of the parties might be defended for his share in them; but on which of the parties the guilt of all this load of perfidy should be fixed. But I am content to admit all these proceedings to be perfectly regular, to be full of honor and good faith; and wish to fix your attention solely to that single transaction which the advocates of this system select for so transcendent a merit as to cancel the guilt of all the rest of their proceedings; I mean the late treaties with the Marattas. I make no observation on the total cession of territory, by which they surrendered all they had obtained by their unhappy successes in war, and almost all they had obtained under the treaty of Poorunder. The restitution was proper, if it had been voluntary and seasonable. I attach on the spirit of the treaty, the dispositions it shewed, the provisions it made for a general peace, and the faith kept with allies and confederates; in order that the House may form a judgment, from this chosen piece, of the use which has been made (and is likely to be made, if things continue in the same hands) of the trust of the federal powers of this country. It was the wish of almost every Englishman, that the Maratta peace might lead to a general one; because the Maratta war was only a part of a general confederacy formed against us on account of the universal abhorrence of our conduct which prevailed in every state and almost in every house in India. Mr. Hastings was obliged to pretend some sort of acquiescence in this general and rational desire. He therefore consented, in order to satisfy the point of honor of the Marattas, that an article should be inserted to admit Hyder Ali to accede to the pacification. But observe, Sir, the spirit of this man, (which if it were not made manifest by a thousand things, and particularly by his proceedings with regard to Lord Macartney)57 would be sufficiently manifest by this. What sort of article think you does he require this essential head of a solemn treaty of general pacification to be? In his instruction to Mr. Anderson, 58 he desires him to admit “a vague article in favor of Hyder. Evasion and fraud were the declared basis of the treaty. These vague articles, intended for a more vague performance, are the things which have damned our reputation in India Hardly was this vague article inserted, than, without waiting for any act on the part of Hyder, Mr. Hastings enters into a negotiation with the Maratta chief, Scindia, for a partition of the territories of the prince who was one of the objects to be secured by the treaty. He was to be parcelled out in three parts one to Scindia; one to the Peishwa of the Marattas; and the third to the East India Company, or to (the old dealer and chapman) Mahomet Ali. 59During the formation of this project, Hyder dies; and before his son60 could take any one step, either to conform to the tenor of the article, or to contravene it, the treaty of partition is renewed on the old footing and an instruction is sent to Mr. Anderson to conclude it in form. A circumstance intervened, during the pendency of this negotiation, to set off the good faith of the Company with an additional brilliancy, and to make it sparkle and glow with a variety of splendid faces. General Matthews61 had reduced that most valuable part of Hyder’s dominions called the country of Biddanore. 62 When the news reached Mr. Hastings, he instructed Mr. Anderson to contend for an alteration in the treaty of partition, and to take the Biddanore country out of the common stock which was to be divided, and to keep it for the Company.The first ground for this variation was its being a separate conquest made before the treaty had actually taken place. Here was a new proof given of the fairness, equity, and moderation of the Company. But the second of Mr. Hastings’s reasons for retaining the Biddanore as a separate portion, and his conduct on that second ground, is still more remarkable. He asserted that that country could not be put into the partition stock, because General Matthews had received it on the terms of some convention which might be incompatible with the partition proposed. This was a reason in itself both honorable and solid; and it showed a regard to faith somewhere, and with some persons. But in order to demonstrate his utter contempt of the plighted faith which was alleged on one part as a reason for departing from it on another, and to prove his impetuous desire for sowing a new Speech on East India Bill a general war even in the prepared soil of pacification, he directs Mr. Anderson, if he should find strong difficulties impeding the partition, on the score of the subtraction of Biddanore, wholly to abandon that claim, and to conclude the treaty on the original terms. General Matthews’s convention was just brought forward sufficiently to demonstrate to the Marattas the slippery hold which they had on their new confederate; on the other hand, that convention being instantly abandoned, the people of India were taught, that no terms on which they can surrender to the Company are to be regarded, when farther conquests are in view. Next, Sir, let me bring before you the pious care that was taken of our allies under that treaty which is the subject of the Company’s applauses. These allies were Ragonaut Row, for whom we had engaged to find a throne; the Guickwar, 63 (one of the Guzerat princes) who was to be emancipated from the Maratta authority, and to grow